To write the history of the plate of any of our ancient churches is to write of two periods, and in every case the first period invokes an aesthetic sigh of regret. A regret, that it has not been vouchsafed for us to see something of the splendour and the abundance of the gold and salver articles, wrought by the finest medieval craftsmen, with which our churches were once adorned, and which perished in the destructions and spoila­tions of the Reformation. With what breath taking treasures those pre Reformation churches must have been endowed, for they included, chalices and patens, cruets and phials for wine and for water, spoons, pyxes (the boxes in which consecrated bread was kept), ciboria, censers, bells and candlesticks, osculatoria (tablets with the representation of the crucifixion, kissed at Mass), chrismatoria (vessels for consecrated oil), croziers, processional crosses, reliquaries, images and book covers, and all of them wrought in gold or silver or parcel gilt, and often embellished with enamel work or jewels. The standard of workmanship was very high, for in the Middle Ages not only was the Church the greatest patron of the goldsmiths' art, but many of the monks were themselves craftsmen. All these possessions of the Church made so lovingly by pious hands, were during the second half of the 16th century, doomed as being devoted to superstitious uses or connected with a ritual which had been condemned; and this was often so, even if the individual article did not portray a graven image.


To-day all that has been so far discovered of the pre Reformation plate is about forty chalices, double that number of patens and a very few other articles. By some miracle some of these have remained in their original churches, some have been recovered from tombs and others discovered accidentally. Amongst the last class are a very beautiful censer dating from the time of Edward III, and an incense boat of early Tudor work which appear to have belonged to Ramsey Abbey in the County of Huntingdon. They were found in Whittlesey Mere and were sold in 1890 for £1155 and £900 respectively, They have since been acquired for the nation and are now in the Victoria and Albert Museum.Other pieces of plate may still remain hidden and unknown near ancient churches and farmsteads.


The second period in the history of Church plate is connected with the plain articles with which the churches were gradually refurnished after the Reformation.


There seems good reason to suppose that for at least a thousand years a sacred edifice has stood on the site at present sanctified by Bunbury Parish Church. Of the original structure nothing is known. A layer of charred wood beneath the earliest known foundations seems to indicate however that it was of timber, but it was somewhere where the Christian Sacrifice could be offered with devotion. A little more is known of a twelfth century building, because traces of the foundations and other fragments of stonework have been discovered. It was in the fourteenth century that Sir Hugh Calveley founded a College and Chantry at Bunbury and by 1388 had incorporated the parish Church in his scheme, and partly if not wholly rebuilt it. In sub­stance the present church retains Sir Hugh's plan and perpetuates his memory by the magnificent alabaster effigy of him in the centre of the chancel.


Unfortunately no known documentary evidence has survived to show what treasures this fourteenth century church possessed before the Reformation, but from its history and its importance as a great Collegiate Church, which then served the spiritual needs of twelve townships, an irresistible conclusion is to be drawn. The conclusion that by 1547, the year of the death of King Henry VIII, Bunbury Church must have been no less sumptuously endowed than many other parish churches of similar size and importance of whose pre Reformation possessions something is known, and which show a lavish enrichment of precious things.


It must be remembered that in the sixteenth century there were no banking or joint stock companies as we know them to-day. Wealth, whether of the individual or the institution was in land and in goods, and of the goods the precious metals represented perhaps the most important part. Thus articles of gold and silver were not only regarded for their value in terms of use and adornment, they represented cash, and when fashions changed, gold and silver articles whether ecclesiastical or secular were melted down and the same malleable metal made up again into a different shape.


At this point let it be said, Bunbury does not possess to-day any article of gold or silver in the shape in which it was fashioned before the Reformation. The first period is blank; but because, when we come to consider two of the oldest pieces of plate which Bunbury Church still possesses we can point to a probable connection between them and some of the pre Reformation treasures, it becomes interesting to trace briefly the course of the great spoilation, so as to indicate how the connection could have come about.


The blame for all the devastations of the Reformation is sometimes laid on the broad shoulders of King Henry VIII, but this is incorrect., Henry's attack was upon the monastic houses, first the small and then the great establishments, including their Hospitals and Colleges, but Henry left the Parish Churches and there were about nine thousand of them, untouched.


It was the Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector of Henry's son and successor the boy King Edward VI, who was responsible for the confiscation of the Church's treasures ............. ‘because the King hath neede of a masse of money'. However, the parochial authorities warned by the fall of their powerful neighbours, the monasteries, had already set about putting their churches in order. Accordingly it was not only for the Treasury the 'Church stuff' was confiscated, but the Church wardens and others resorted to it. Both Heylin and Fuller in his Church History, comment upon the parlours to be found hung with altar cloths, tables and beds covered with copes, carousing cups made of chalices. Heylin says ............. ‘it was a sorry house and not worth the naming, which had not somewhat of this furniture in it',. But it must not be supposed that all this was done dishonestly. Royal commands and Visitations of the Bishops could not have brought about these enormous changes, unless the resolution of the majority of the people had been in favour of the Reformation of the Church.     The people wanted to hear the Bible read in English and wanted personally at the great Sacrament of rejuvenation to partake of 'Thy creatures of Bread and Wine'.  Previously the Cup had been withheld from the laity. For these and other fundamental changes to take place it was inevitable that the tangible barriers of superstitious fear, with which the priesthood had ensconced itself and the sacred ritual in its old form, should be cast aside. Hence there was destruction in the churches of things attainted and which were not transportable: the smashing of painted glass windows, the tearing down of images, and the breaking up of shrines and altars, with the result that money had to be raised to repair the ugly scars made to the fabric of the churches. To this end the small and precious articles of the Church, themselves regarded as infected by the superstitious taint were sold,not unlawfully, but to pay for church repairs. The door was of course now wide open for embezzlement and Edward VI's reign was to see Visitations made all over the country by the King's Commissioners, whose duty it was to check what was left with the pre-Reformation inventories of Church plate and other valuables and to make the church officers account for the difference in terms of money spent on repairs. In many, perhaps in most cases there were wide deficiencies. These were generally accounted for by the most surprising number of alleged Church robberies!


In the last year of Edward VI's reign, 1553, the Commissioners were specificially empowered to do what must have been previously understood, namely to leave in every parish church or chapel 'of common resort, one or two or more chalices or cups according to the multitude of the people in every such church or chapel'. What was the impact of these national events upon Bunbury Church and her parishioners?


The oldest known documentary record which throws some light on the matter is a survey made in 1549/50 by the King's Commissioners of what was left in the College and in the Chantry. This is as follows (quoted from Ormerod's History of Cheshire).


The College of Bunbury­

Plate and jewels .................. none.

Goodes and ornaments           cs      vid

Leade and Bells .................. none.

The Chauntrye of Bunburye­

Plate and jewels                       xxxi oz.

Goods and Ornaments            vis

Leade and bells .................. none.


The 31 oz. of plate left to the Chantry indicates very strongly the probability that two or three chalices had been retained for the administration of the Sacrament to the Laity, for in those days the multitude of the people was great, coming as they did not only from Bunbury but from eleven other townships. Certainly more than one of the old chalices would have been essential because the pre Reformation chalice, made for use by priest alone, had nothing like the capacity of the later Communion cup. Generally its base and knopped stem were of sufficient proportions to bear the graven representations which the Reformation consid­ered profane, but the bowls were small and were left plain to facilitate cleansing. When old chalices were retained they were often defaced and mutilated, so as to blot out the graven image.


The death of the young king and the accession of his bigoted half sister as Queen Mary, stayed the hands of the Reformers for five years: but with the accession of Queen Elizabeth I in 1558, it was as if the pent up urge for reformation was released in a torrent of Protestant zeal. 'Church stuffs' with any unde­faced images were followed into private houses in case there should be any that 'do adore them'. As late as 1638 there was a petition for the suppression of Richard Brock's alehouse at Bunbury because he kept and exhibited popish ornaments, his wife being 'a recusant convict'. The Quarter Sessions Records (published by the Lancashire and Cheshire Record Society, Vol. No, 94) state that their alehouse was 'not fully five roodes distant from the Chancell doore of the parish church' and that they 'do keep in their alehouse divers pictures and other popish reliques and namely one great crucifix of brasse or copper fayrely guilded which Brock audaciously and in contempt of the Statute sometimes bringeth forth and openly setteth up before such as come to drinke in his house; and sometymes usinge these or wordes to the like effect 'Now God be thanked all thinges begin to come well on, and in tyme no doubt will come to good end'.' Brock's alehouse was suppressed.


During the reign of Elizabeth most of the parish churches of England 'changed' or 'exchanged' their retained chalices for Communion cups and as many Churchwardens' accounts show the usual procedure was to send the old chalices to the silversmith to be melted down so as to be used as the metal of the new Communion cup or cups. Sometimes the new cups weighed precisely the same as the old chalices, and the craftsman was paid for his work. Sometimes he retained a little of the silver by way of payment, and in a few cases where the weight of the old chalices was not enough for the desired cup, the Churchwardens paid for the extra metal as well as for the workmanship. Not only was this use of the old metal the obvious thing to do, but as already indicated, it was in accordance with long established custom. This 'change' or 'exchange' of chalices for cups took place at different dates. Nearly all the Communion cups of the Diocese of Norwich are dated 1567 or 1568, those of Leicestershire 1567 to 1571, of Dorsetshire 1570 to 1574, of Worcestershire 1571, and of Gloucestershire 1576 or 1577. No doubt this was due to the fervour of some local reformer tempered by the availability of silversmiths to do the work. However in some churches the new Communion cups were not made before the reign of James I or Charles I and that was the case at Bunbury.


Bunbury's Communion cup is dated 1632 and is in use to-day; but before discussing it in detail mention must be made of a little silver salver or paten only 5.5 inches in diameter which is the oldest piece of plate the church possesses, It has no hall marks and is perfectly plain (see plates 2 and 3). The only mark upon it, a maker's mark, is a trefoil with a G and an E in the upper foils and a device in the lower foil which has so far defied identification. This mark is of considerable interest, and is almost certainly Griffith Edwardes, a goldsmith of Chester, of whom mention is first made in the records of the Assay Office of that City in 1585. He was made a Freeman of the City on the 9 June, 1606, and died on the 3 September, 1637, Another example of this craftsman's mark is on a Communion cup at Leigh Parish Church, Lancashire, and the late W. J. Cripps in 'Old English Plate', 11th Edition, at p. 132, mentions this mark. It is probable that the little paten is older than the Communion cup of 1632 and it may have been given to Bunbury Church for use with the pre Reformation Chalices, and as it is perfectly plain was retained when the chalices were liquidated.


The Communion cup of 1632 bears the London hall marks for that year. It is plain but of stately outline, and a magnificent example of the craftsman's art of the reign of Charles I (see plate 2). The top of the bowl is splayed outwards so as to form a lip and it does not appear ever to have had a cover which could be used as a paten as was the case with most of the earlier Elizabethan Communion cups. It stands 8.5 inches high, the diameter of the bowl is 4.5 inches and it has a capacity of a little more than a pint. It was made by a noteworthy craftsman whose initials were RC, though his name is not now known, and whose mark was a heart in a beaded outline having the initials R.C with a pheon below (see Sir Charles Jackson's 'English Goldsmiths and their marks' 2nd Edition, p. 118, and W,. J. Cripps (supra. at p. 432). Communion plate by the hands of this craftsman is to be seen to-day in St. Margaret's, Westminster, and in Exeter Cathedral, hall marked 1624 and 1629 respectively. It almost looks as if RC having established his reputa­tion with the great religious houses and having done their work was sought after by the parish churches. He made the paten at St. Cybi's, Holyhead, in 1631/2.


The earliest Churchwardens' Accounts at Bunbury, which have survived only commence in 1655 and the oldest surviving inventory of plate in 1758, so that it cannot be proved by documentary evidence that any of the 31 oz. of plate retained in 1549/50 went into the making of the Communion cup of 1632, but this Cup weighs 15 oz. 9 dwt. 21 grs. (Troy) so that if there had originally been a pair to it, and allowing for the slight loss in weight to the wear of 300 years, it could be asserted with confidence that such cups were the transformation of the old 31 oz. of pre Reformation chalices. But there is no pair, instead we come upon an intriguing circumstance. Bunbury possesses a tazza shaped salver or paten bearing the hall marks for 1716, and this paten weighs 14 oz. 11 dwts, 16 grs. (see plate 2). The dates do not fit and it might well be dismissed as coincidence that the cup of 1632 and the paten of 1716 together make up the 31 oz. of plate retained in 1549/50, except for the following entry in the Churchwardens' accounts for the period May 1715 to June 1716............


Pd for exchange of Communion plate £1 10 0.


This can only mean that some piece of Communion plate existing before 1716 was melted down and made into the tazza paten of 1716, for there is no other mention of this paten in the accounts, nor is there any trace of any other piece of plate of 1715 or 1716. As these are half accounts £3 is rather a high price for converting 15 oz. of silver into a paten in 1716 and the probable explanation is that as between 1698 and 1720 Parliament made it compulsory for silversmiths to raise the standard of any plate made by them from 11 oz. 2 dwts. to 11 oz. 10 dwts. of fine silver per pound Troy, the silversmith must have added a little pure silver of his own to conform with the law and get his tazza paten assayed with the new Britannia hall marks, which it bears.


This tazza paten stands 2.75 inches high and is 8.75 inches in diameter. The craftsman who made it was Humphrey Payne, of London. It is identical with the secular salvers of this period originally used for handing glasses of wine, the object of the foot or stand was for it to be firmly held from below, whilst the hand of the server remained unseen.


Let us consider how the position from 1632 to 1716 stands. In 1632 or very soon after Bunbury had its new cup or pair of cups and its little paten with the Griffith Edwardes mark, but the sacramental offertory could not have been conveniently celebrated to the multitude of the congregation without two vessels, the one to hold the wine and the other the water before consecration. Very early in the existing Church­wardens' accounts there is mention made of money being paid for 'sodering the flaggon lid'. In fact the flagons (for as the subsequent churchwardens' accounts show there were two) were constantly giving trouble. They had to be repaired six times between 1660 and 1680, the repairs being done at Nantwich. The frequent necessity for repairs and the fact that when in 1735 Bunbury Church was presented with a fine pair of silver flagons, there is no record in the Churchwardens' accounts as to the disposal of the old flagons, leads to the surmise that they were of base metal, probably pewter. Then suddenly in 1716 some piece of Communion plate of approximately 15 ozs. in weight is melted down and the tazza paten made. It is difficult to imagine what the previous incarnation of the tazza paten could have been, unless it was a pair to the cup of 1632. If that be so there would have been from 1632 to 1716, two cups each holding more than a pint and a very small paten for the bread, as well as the pewter flagons.


Very respectfully, let it be said that even the methods employed in the celebration of Holy Communion are subject to changes in fashion. We know of two important changes. First that for a century and more after the Reformation, Communion wine was used by the gallon. The record which I have personally noted in my pursuit of interesting old plate, is at St. Andrew's Church, Plymouth, where the consumption of Communion wine for the year 1643 was 156 gallons! Even Bunbury though on a more modest scale ordered Communion wine by the gallon.The Churchwardens' Accounts for 1730 show that Mr. Bennett was paid £4.10.0 for 18 gallons. Five years later he was paid £10.2.0 and in 1738 as much as £12.16.8, and if the price had remained constant this would indicate (for the quantity is lacking in the later accounts) the use of about fifty gallons for the year 1738. Rachael Large was paid 4/2 for 'bread for the Communion' in 1739.


The second factor is the great change in the number of celebrations. Only a hundred years ago it was rare to find a church which celebrated Holy Communion more frequently than eighteen times a year, that is once a month, at the great festivals, and on one or two special days. One of the pre Visitation requisitions which Bishop Wilberforce required the clergy of the Archdeaconry of Oxford to answer before the 8 July, 1854, was............. 'How often do you administer the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper?' Apart from such a tiresome response as 'in the usual way', there are replies from which an analytical summary can be made in respect of 230 churches. Of these only in 13 churches (six being in Oxford itself) was the Sacrament administered more frequently than eighteen times in the year. In 104 the administration was between 9 and 18 times a year, in 54 churches between 5 and 8 times and in 58 churches 4 times or less. Contrast these figures with the modern practice of holding celebrations once a week and even more frequently, and exhorting the laity to communicate at least once a month. We must assume that the greater familiarity leads to greater devotion, for the only relevance of all this is to show that changes do take place, and that it is not a wholly untenable supposition to advance, that in 1716 the Vicar of Bunbury thought it desirable instead of having two large cups, each of a capacity of a pint and a very small paten for the bread (and in those days it was bread not wafers), to have one large cup and one large paten.


To sum up. The 31 oz, of pre Reformation plate, the little paten with the Griffith Edwardes mark, the cup of 1632, the flagons which needed so much repairing (probably of pewter) and the tazza paten of 1716 are the only articles for administering the Sacrament of which there is any mention or trace before 1735, and although it cannot be asserted positively, there is a reasonable probability that the cup of 1632 and the tazza paten of 1716 are made from the 31 oz. of pre Reformation plate, half the original metal having gone through some intermediary stage before being made into the tazza paten.


In 1736 Bunbury Church received the only donation of plate of which there is any record, except small articles presented in the 20th Century, It was of massive proportions and consists of a fine pair of silver flagons to replace the old pewter ones which had again been giving trouble as both of them had to be repaired in 1722 and again in 1724, Possibly by 1736 they were beyond further restoration. The new silver flagons (see plate 4) bear the London hall marks for 1735 and were made by Thomas Parr (see Jackson, supra, p. 186). They stand 12 inches in height and together weigh about 100 oz. They are 4.45 in. diameter at the top which is closed by a hinged cover with an open purchase. The handle to each of them is of graceful form and each flagon bears finely chased on its front the sacred monogram I.H.S. with the cross patee fitched and the three passion nails below, the whole rayed in splendour. The same design is chased upon the large alms dish dated 1669 in Chester Cathedral. Modestly engraved below the skirted foot we find the name of the generous donor.


The Gift of Phebe
Wife of Richd. Davenport
of Calvely Esqr.
To the Parishsioners of Bunbury
in the County of Chester
In the year of our
Redemption MDCCXXXVI.


It was a noble gift, and as the following extracts from the Churchwardens' accounts show, caused some precautions to be taken for its safe custody.


1735/6   Spent when we received Mr. Davenport's plate 8d.

              Paid for a chest to keep plate in 17/6.

              Spent when Mr. Webster came to measure the vestry in order to make the chest fit the place appointed for it 6d.


Inspired no doubt by the gift of the flagons the parishioners in the following year set about adding further plate to their church. Previously the offertory had been collected on pewter dishes and in two most interesting pewter 'shovels' partly enclosed dated 1692 and 1732. It appears that the parishioners must have subscribed specially for a pair of silver offertory dishes (see plate 4) as no expenses in respect of them passed through the Churchwardens' accounts, nor do they bear the name of any donor. The new offertory dishes carry the London hall marks for 1737 and were made by Richard Bayley (see Jackson supra at p. 185 et seq). They are 10 inches in diameter and 1 inch deep, and would be capable of containing a substantial collection. Their only embellishment is the following engraved inscription............


For the Offertory at the Parish Church of Bunbury.


They make with the two pewter shovels, an interesting little collection of receptacles for the donations of the faithful, which any church would be proud to possess. Of course pewter is not plate and is beyond the scope of this paper, but as in the case of the old pewter flagons, mention of them must be made as in each case the pewter articles were the originals which the plate replaced.


1758 appears to be the first year in which regular annual inventories of the church plate at Bunbury were made and these remained constant at seven articles, viz. the little paten with the Griffith Edwardes mark, the Communion cup of 1632, the tazza paten of 1716, the pair of flagons of 1736 and the pair of offertory dishes of 1737; until 1834. In the meanwhile the only matter worth mentioning is the following curious entry in the Churchwardens' accounts.


1791      Pd for a letter respecting an enquiry as to the stealing of our church plate ............ 4d.


The fourpence seems to have been well spent because in 1792 the inventory still disclosed the seven pieces of plate. By 1837 the Communion plate is in eight pieces, due to the addition of a second Communion cup made to match the cup of 1632. The description 'made as a pair to' has been purposely avoided because the two cups are worth comparing for their points of difference. The 1632 cup hallowed by long use and paternised with the sheen of antiquity, the 1834 cup still resplendent in its novelty, nor has it a lip. It is however a well made cup, its maker being W.B. (William Bellchambers), height 7.9 ins., diameter at rim 3.9 ins, capacity 0.5 pint, and its weight 17 oz, 18 dwts. and 8 grs.It is inscribed


For the Offertory at Bunbury Church.


At the same time this disfigurement was inflicted upon the cup of 1632.


There is also a small wine funnel with the Birmingham hall marks for 1863. Diameter 1.6 ins., length 2 ins. There is no trace whence this came.


Lastly there are two modern donations. First a small salver or paten 7.1 ins. in diameter with the London Hall marks for 1916, the maker R.S. and inscribed




Secondly a small circular wafer box with the London hall marks for 1922 simply chased upon the lid and engraved upon the base




It is strange that for 180 years from Phebe Davenport's massive flagons of 1736 to the wafer box of 1916 being the era of the greatest progress and prosperity this country has ever known, there is not a single personal gift of plate to Bunbury's Parish Church.




I have consulted and sometimes quoted from the following authorities, books and pamphlets, to all of which I express my thanks for the enlightenment they respectively contain.


MS. Book of The Worshipful Company of Goldsmiths and Watchmakers, 1523, Chester Assay Office,


The Churchwardens' Accounts of Bunbury Parish Church 1655 to 1955.


Mortimer's History of England 1764.


George Ormerod. History of Cheshire. Helsby Ed. 1882.


T. Stanley Ball. Church Plate of the City of Chester. 1907. Sir Charles Jackson. History of English Plate, 1911.


Sir Charles Jackson. English Goldsmiths and their marks. 2nd Ed. 1921.


W. J. Cripps. Old English Plate. 1l th Ed. 1926.


The Bunbury Papers. Edited by Maurice H. Ridgway. From 1949.


The Oxfordshire Record Society's Publication. `Bishop Wilberforce's Visitation returns for the Archdeaconry of Oxford, 1854'. Pub. 1954.





A small silver salver or paten. Diameter 5.2 inches, width of rim .6 ins., weight 3 oz. 3 dwts. 19 grs. (Troy). Maker's mark GE within trefoil (Griffith Edwardes, of Chester, ob. 1637). No Hall marks.


Communion cup of silver. Height 8.5 inches. Diameter at rim 4.2 inches. Diameter at base 4.2 inches. Capacity 1.125 pints. Weight 15 oz. 9 dwts. 21 grs. (Troy). London Hall marks for 1632, Maker RC and pheon. Inscription (added c. 1834). For the Offertory at Bunbury Church.


Silver tazza paten or salver. Diameter 8.7 inches. Diameter of base 3.5 inches. Height 2.5 inches, Weight 14 oz. 11 dwts. 16 grs. (Troy). Hall marked London 1716. Maker Humphrey Payne.


Pair of silver flagons.
i.Height 12 inches. Diameter at base 7.25 inches. Diameter at rim 4.45 inches. Capacity 3.75 pints. Weight 50 oz. 9 dwts. 21 grs. (Troy). Hall marked London 1735. Maker Thomas Parr.
Engraved with I.H.S. rayed in splendour with Cross and Passion nails.
Inscription on base.

The Gift of Phebe

Wife of Richd. Davenport

of Calvely Esqr.

To the Parishsioners of Bunbury

in the County of Chester

In the Year of our Redemption



          ii. Height, Diameter at base, Diameter at rim, as in i. Capacity 3.75 pints. Weight 49 oz. 4 dwts. 9grs. (Troy). Hall marked London 1735, Maker Thomas Parr. Engraved as in i. Inscription on base, same as i.


Pair of silver offertory dishes.
i. Diameter 10 inches. Depth 1 inch. Weight 16 oz. 2 dwts. 15 grs. (Troy). Hall marked London 1737. Maker Richard Bayley. Inscription. For the Offertory at the Parish Church of Bunbury.

          ii. Diameter 10 inches. Depth 1 inch. Weight 16 ozs. 3 dwts. 11 grs. (Troy). Hall marked London 1737. Maker Richard Bayley. Inscription, same as i.


Communion cup of silver. Height 7.9 inches. Diameter at rim 3.9 inches. Diameter at base 4.25 inches. Capacity 0.5 pint. Weight 17 oz. 18 dwts, 8 grs, (Troy). Hall marked London 1834, Maker WB. (William Bellchambers). Inscription, For the Offertory at Bunbury Church.


Silver wine funnel. Diameter at rim 1.6 inches. Length 2 inches. Hall marked Birmingham 1863. Maker T.H.H.


Silver salver or paten. Diameter 7.1 inches. Hall marked London 1916. Maker R.S. Inscription.




Circular wafer box of silver. Diameter 2 inches. Depth 1 inch. Hall marked London 1922, Maker, J. & W. Ltd. Simply chased upon the lid, with a cross patonce within two concentric circles. Inscription on base of box.




Silver plated processional Cross. 23.5 inches high placed upon a plain oak stave. The face of the cross is convex in form, a lip being formed on the edges, the whole surmounting a depressed spherical knop which is decorated with three undulating chases. Made by Warham Guild Ltd., London, in 1951. Paid for by public subscription and given to the Parish Church as a War memorial. Inscription incised upon the back, 1939-1945.


Silver Cup. Given in 1955 (since this Paper was written) by Mrs. Cobden Turner of Hale, for use in the Mission Churches of the Parish. Height 7.35 inches. Diameter of rim 3.6 inches. Diameter of base 3.2 inches. Hall marked Birmingham 1914. Maker D.G.C.


Maurice H. Ridgway, Vicar.

T. W. Steventon, E. Shore, Churchwardens.





Plate 2


Plate 3


Plate 4